The Pennsylvania Abolition Society was the first and at one time the leading abolition society in the world. The Society helped secure and protect abolitionist laws in Pennsylvania during the Revolutionary War period but its members consistently attacked slavery in an age when most American statesmen hoped to avoid the divisive issue. The Society was founded in 1775 and in its earliest days the Society’s active members were Quakers, not high in the city’s known leadership group. Acting as social workers, they investigated and often managed to settle cases where an African American was being unlawfully held. As the organizers and their work made an impact upon the community, more and more men of prominence signed the Articles of the Society, one of which stated: “No Person holding a Slave or publickly avowing those Sentiments shall be admitted a Member of this Society.” Among the more famous signers were Clement Biddle, Benjamin Rush, Robert Morris, Zachariah Poulson, Jr., and Tench Coxe.

During the Revolution, roughly from the end of 1775 until 1784, the groups activities were naturally suspended but in the decade after the Society made Philadelphia the worldwide capital of the burgeoning abolitionist movement. In 1787, when a committee was appointed to revise the Society’s constitution, Coxe proposed for membership Benjamin Franklin and his grandson Temple, and William Jackson similarly proposed Thomas Paine. Franklin would become the president of the renascent Society. The Society asked him to bring the contentious issue of slavery before the Constitutional Convention of 1787, which Franklin chose not to do. The reorganized and re-energized Society devoted itself to, in the words of its new constitution, “use such means as are in their power to extend the blessings of freedom to very part of the human race.” The Society, which would grow to some 2,000 members over the next dew decades, backed up its anti-slavery rhetoric with anti-slavery action, only a careful examination of the Society’s records can give an idea of its almost frenetic activity and the mass of documents which resulted, all of which are in the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. It encouraged the organization of associated groups in Pennsylvania and other states. It memorialized Congress and Pennsylvania to enact laws favorable to African-Americans. It published anti-slavery propaganda. It corresponded with like minded individuals and organizations in England and France. Much of its practical work was in aid of free blacks or escaped slaves who were continually harassed by kidnappers who forced them back into slavery or into slavery. The Society also kept records of manumissions so that proof of freedom would be available.

The group’s abolitionist strategy rested on the twin pillars of petitioning and legal work. For decades the Society’s petitions asked state and national governments to protect free African-Americans, curtail the domestic slave trade, ban overseas slave trading, and strike at slavery in the District of Columbia.

The legal work undertaken by the Pennsylvania Abolition Society remains one of the most undervalued facets of the group’s activities. From the 1780’s onward, Pennsylvania abolitionists ran the most important legal-aid system for endangered African-Americans anywhere. While Pennsylvania reformers believed that slave property had constitutional standing in southern states, Society lawyers believed that abolitionists could manipulate bondage via the law. For example if a Maryland master gave his or her slave permission to visit family in “free” Pennsylvania, and that enslaved person refused to return to bondage, the Society took up the case. If a slave fled to Pennsylvania and had children there, the Society challenged the former master’s right to the children. The Society often sought the recovery of escaped slaves from Virginia, who after settling in Pennsylvania were often kidnapped, transported back to their masters and a return to bondage. The Society would likewise undertake the recovery of free blacks who were forcibly taken and sold into slavery.

The Society, in essence, dealt with legal issues which were not addressed, constitutionally, until years later in the Dred Scott case and in cases arising from the Fugitive Slave Law.The collection is of great interest for its discussion of the fate of one slave John Davis, who was captured in Pennsylvania and sold into bondage in Virginia, the collection discusses his fate and the difficulty the Society encountered in gaining his freedom at a time when the southern states were ratifying the United States Constitution. The contentious issues of slavery and the Constitution are brought into minute focus as their ramifications are brought to bear on Mr. Davis. The present collection of materials deals with specific cases and instances of the efforts of the Society to aid and rescue endangered African Americans. The collection includes the following documents: 

1. Manuscript Memorial to the Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvania, headed: At a stated Meeting of the acting Committee of the Pennsylvania Society for promoting the Abolition of Slavery, and the Relief of free Negroes unlawfully held in Bondage 6^th Mo. 4^th, 1788. A Letter. Dated Washington County May 10^th, 1788, from Alexander Addison, Esq. to David Reddick, Esq., Counsellor from that County, and by him sent to this Board, was now produced and read stating, that a free Negro Man named John, formerly Slave to David Davis, now free by the abolition Law of this State, was sent as a slave to Virginia, from whence he escaped and took Refuge in this State, that on the 1^st of May he was seized and carried off to Virginia by three Inhabitants thereof, named Baldwin [Parsons] , Francis McGuire and Absalom Wells; certain Depositions accompanying the Latter to establish the fact…

       Folio, 3 pages, inscribed on a four page bi-folium, [1790], formerly folded, some separations along folds, with loss of a letter or two, else in very good, clean condition.        This document carries the letter of the “acting Committee,” signed Francis Johnson, Nathan, Boys, Caspar Haines, Joseph James, Thomas Parker, which relates the account of the seizure of John, and seeks to call the attention of the Supreme Executive Council to this crime, “a flagrant violation of the Laws of Pennsylvania and the Rights of Human Nature,” that being: “a fellow man, made free by the Justice and Humanity of Pennsylvania has been forcibly seized on and dragg’d out of the State as a Slave by Sundry inhabitants of Virginia.” The Memorialists seek the interposition of the Supreme Council “which being warranted by the existing Confederation of the United States, may restore the much injured person to Freedom.” The document also carries a series of depositions dated 1789-1790 which relate the facts of the case and the various legal efforts of Alexander Addison, David Redick, which included filing suit, petitioning members of Congress from Virginia, the Society also sought a meeting with Redick and Addison “to devise some Mode to get Negro John once more within the Limits of this state,” and seeking a Grand Jury indictment for John’s kidnappers, and their arrest and trial under Pennsylvania law.  

2. Retained copy of a Manuscript Memorial to Thomas Mifflin, Governor of Pennsylvania, from the Pennsylvania Abolition Society, the memorial reads in part: “… Respectfully Sheweth That John a free Negro man residing at Washington in the County of Washington in this Commonwealth entitled to and enjoying the Peace and Protection of the Laws of this State, was on or about the tenth day of May in the Year one thousand seven hundred & eighty eight, with Force and Arms & in Strong hand, assaulted, seised [sic] imprisoned, bound & carried without the jurisdiction of this Commonwealth…”

      Folio, May 30, 1791, three pages of a four page bi-folium, old folds, horizontal fold on page three, split nearly across the leaf, some spotting and staining, else in very good, legible condition. Presumably David Redick’s retained copy of this memorial.        This Memorial to Thomas Mifflin refers to the case of John noted in the above document and demonstrates the tenacity of the Society. The Memorialists note that “Francis McGuire, Baldwin Parsons & Absalom Wells, precipitately fled from Justice, taking with them Negroe John & have taken shelter in the State of Virginia or perhaps within that part thereof which has lately been erected into a new State by the name of Kentucke [sic] and the said Negroe John is said now to be held in a State of Slavery by Nicholas Casey near Romney, on the South Branch of the Potowmack in Vriginia.”       The Memorial goes on to cite the second paragraph of the second section of the fourth article of the Constitution of the United States, which states: “A person charged in any State with Treason, Felony or other crime, who shall flee from justice and be found in another State, shall on demand of the Executive Authority of the State from which he fled be delivered up, to be removed to the State having jurisdiction of the crime.” The Memorialists state “that a crime of deeper dye is not to be found in the criminal code of this State, than that of taking a Freeman and carrying off with intent to sell him, and actually selling him as a Slave,” thereby call upon the Governor to demand that the authorities of Virginia and Kentucky deliver, the suspected kidnappers, to the “Executive Authority of this Commonwealth to be proceeded with according to Law; and that the said Negro John be also sent into this State, to the end that he may be restored to his Freedom.” 

3. Manuscript Letter from the Pennsylvania Society for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery to the Washington Society for the Relief of Free Negroes and Others, 1791

      Philadelphia: June 23, 1791, folio, four pages, inscribed on a four page bi-folium, old folds, some minor separations at fold joints, minor age toning and spotting, else in very good, clean legible condition. The letter is signed by William Rogers, vice-president of the Society.       The present letter also concerns the case of John Davis (see above) and begins rather blandly, before touching on more salient subjects and issues, including the contentious issue of slavery and the Constitution, the feelings of Virginia and the other slave states concerning ratification, and the personal impact of the issues upon the fate of one slave, Mr. Davis:              “Your letter dated the 6^th of December 1790, was laid before us with other business at an occasional meeting on the 29^th ultimo – Unaccustomed as we are to receive letters of the like tenor from societies instituted for the same disinterested purposes it was heard with surprise and concern, and as we feel the indispensable necessity of our harmonious co-operation, we do not hesitate to express, that these were our sensations, on finding you could suspect us of neglecting anything referred to us by you – The case of John Davis… we are by no means unacquainted with having already exerted ourselves for his deliverance…”        The letter then continues:         “To avoid however or to remove misapprehensions, we appointed a Special Committee to examine the Minutes and Proceedings of our Acting Committee and inform us whether the only assistance you “could receive from them, was an advice that he should run away.” They report that the Acting Committee have done everything in the case, that could reasonably be expected from us, as will appear … by the enclosed transcript from their minutes. In addition to which we have only to observe that the Memorial presented to the President and Council was not urged by the advice of one of your members then in council because the unsettled state of Public Affairs rendered it impolitic to make any requisitions of the State of Virginia until the Federal Constitution should take effect and consolidate the Union – after that auspicious event Council did not think proper to resume it.”        The letter then goes on to discuss a proposed rescue of John Davis from slavery by sending someone to Virginia to help him “run away”:       “…one of our members recollects a conference with some of your members, in which he suggested the idea of hiring a trusty person to go into Virginia and endeavour to bring away with him the Free Man in question, as it appeared extremely difficult to obtain legal redress there; but it never was advised by us nor even proposed by the person who hinted the attempt but in the last resort – Some time afterwards another member was informed by Alexander Addison Esq. that David Bradford attorney at Law and himself, had individually agreed to institute a Suit in the Courts of Virginia for the legal recovery of the man in consequence of which, we considered the business in other hands and waited to hear of its favourable issue. “        Additional plans for regaining Davis’s freedom are discussed:       “In the present circumstance of the case we have prepared a Memorial to the Governor… and hope it will produce the desired effects; but if it should not, your application to Lawyer White will probably be renewed and procure the freedom of the man; which we shall be pleased to hear, without being “numbered among his Deliverers,” as freedom is our object and not applause. Your Address to Congress was duly received and we expect to present it, with one from ourselves, and others from most of the Societies in the United States, in the course of the next Session…”        “The progress of your Association is not such as we could wish, though we can expect no other, having trodden the same ground ourselves; animated however by the importance of our object and the hope of attaining it, let us not slacken in our pursuits, because “Fools” despise the cause of the Poor, and the worldly “wise” stand aloof, where the most that is to be gained is future reward at present expense…”       The letter comments upon the conditions of the recently freed African Americans and hopes for their “improvement,” using paternalistic language:        “We agree with you, and it is much to be lamented, that some of the debased Negroes, continue to be idle and vicious after they are delivered from oppression but the crime of Slavery ought not  to be imputed to Freedom – We are bold to say it will not when time shall have corrected slavish habits, and shall have inspired those Ideas of Property and Credit, which bind Freemen (and Freemen only) to themselves, their families and the rest of mankind – We rejoice to hear however, that “ a few” of those whom you have restored to the exercise of their natural rights and capacities, “justify the interposition of providence in their behalf.” We think this a sufficient reward for the labour bestowed upon them all and have no doubt that many more of them will become usefull members of Civil and Religious Society, when they shall have been instructed in the Principles of Religion, the nature of Social Duties and the practice of honest Industry – For these essential purposes we have formed committees upon the plan for the improvement of the Free Blacks, laid before you in our last letter, and have found them so beneficial that we are induced to recommend the same to your further Consideration.”   

4. (Pennsylvania Society for promoting the Abolition of Slavery) (Circular.) Philadelphia, 5^th Month 30^th, 1796. Respected Friend, The Pennsylvania Society for the Abolition of Slavery, &c. in compliance with a requisition of the Convention of Delegates from the several Abolition Societies throughout the United States, have appointed a Committee to procure a statement of the number and condition of the Blacks both bond and free, in this State…

      [Philadelphia: 1796] quarto, printed circular letter, one page on four page bi-folium, formerly folded, for mailing, now flattened. The circular has condition problems, the integral address leaf, is badly stained and soiled, there are some holes and loss of paper, which causes only the small loss of text along the bottom edge of the word “Respected” in the printed salutation.       An important circular seeking information for a census of Blacks, both bond and free in the State of Pennsylvania. The circular is signed in type at the end of the letter: Edward Garrigues, Sallows Shewell, Thomas Rogers, William Gibbons, Benjamin Tucker.        Not in HSP/LCP Afro-Americana Catalog, or Supplement, Evans, Bristol, Shipton-Mooney, OCLC, et cetera.   

5. Davis, Jona, Manuscript Letter Morgantown, 8^th June, 1798 to David Redick, in Washington, Pa.

      Small quarto, two pages, on four page bi-folium, formerly folded, some soiling to integral address leaf, docketed in ink” letter from Jona Davis” In very good legible condition.              Davis writes to Redick concerning the disposition of the “Negro Wench Kate” and her children:       “The Negro Wench Kate with her two children whom you bound to Mrs. Prather, the remainder of their time is to be disposed of and as I believe that Kate would prefer living in Washington I have taken leave to request that you will inform me by next post whether any person there would be likely to want her. … P.S. Kate has yet three years of her time to serve and the children until of age. I think that she is well worth 50 (pounds) P. Currency with her children.” 

6. Retained copy of manuscript bond of Janet Prather to James Pemberton, April 26, 1796

      Quarto, two pages of a four page bi-folium, old folds, minor toning, soiling and spotting, docketed on verso “Janet Prathers bond. To James Pemberton 1000 pounds.” In very good, clean legible condition.         This bond headed: “Know all men by these presents that I Janet Prather of the State of Virginia am held and firmly unto James Pemberton of the State of Pennsylvania President of the Abolition Society in the penal sum of one thousand pounds to be paid to the said James… The condition of this obligation is such that if the above bound Janet Prather shall will and honestly give bonds with ample and sufficient Security living in the State of Pennsylvania to David Redick Esq. member of the Abolition Society within three months from the date hereof, for the fulfillment and complete execution of this indenture given her by a negro woman Kate on herself and two of her children…” 7.    Manuscript Receipt July 15^th 1800  small sheet, measuring 6 ¼ 4 5/8 inches, old folds and creases, edges a bit ragged, else very good. Docketed on verso: “Peggy Kuntz Rect. In full of her freedom dues 15^th July 1800.” A small but highly interesting receipt which notes the items given to Peggy Kuntz a recently freed slave, and which she signs with her “mark,” “July 15^th 1800 Mrs. Redick delivered to Peggy Kuntz 1 Bedtick 1 Callico Quilt 1 Bloster 1 Blanket 1 Sheet being in full of her freedom dues Peggy Kuntz her X mark Witnesses present at the time of delivery Jno. Gilmore David Redick     

8. Manuscript Receipt, April 15, 1800

      Small sheet, measuring 3 ¼ x 4 inches, horizontal fold, some toning, else very good.      Docketed in ink on verso: “Peggy Kuntz for Freedom.”      This sheet relates to that directly above, and reads: “I have this day received Twelve dollars for the residue of my Freedom except the bed which with the approbation of my brother I have recd. In full of Mr. Reddick on this 15^th April 1800.” Peggy Kuntz John Kuntz